by Rakkit Rattachumpoth
page xvii-xxiv
by Peter A. Jackson and Gerard Sullivan
page 1-27
by Peter A. Jackson
page 29-60
In this paper I consider a number of studies of rates of same-sex sexual experience among young men and women in Thailand which have been conducted since the late 1980s. Interest in conducting these quantitative studies was prompted, first, by concerns among Thai educators and social commentators about a perceived increase in homosexual behavior among both male and female adolescents and, second, by the need to determine the prevalence of different sexual behaviors considered to be associated with the risk of transmitting the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV). Studies of rates of same-sex experience have a more recent history in Thailand than in the United States or other western countries, beginning in the second half of the 1980s. The first studies were undertaken by researchers working within a psychological framework which problematized homosexuality and which was motivated by a concern to reduce the incidence of homosexuality. This anti-homosexual research program is detailed in Jackson and Sullivan's introductory essay in this volume. The second, HIV/AIDS-influenced set of studies, have been undertaken by epidemiologists and demographers operating within a framework that has not problematized homoeroticism. In reviewing the Thai research, I critically assess the methodologies of the various studies and point to possible biasing factors in data gathering techniques. I conclude by considering the implications of these studies for the provision of social services to homosexually active men and women in Thailand.
by Prudence Borthwick
page 61-79
In this paper I look at three HIV/AIDS projects which were run by and for gay men, transsexuals and men who have sex with men (MSM) in Northern Thailand in the early 1990s. These three projects were very different in format and in context, ranging from a rural village AIDS association to an urban drag beauty contest. These projects were located in settings as different as gay bars and cruising areas, shopping malls and rural villages. Aspects of the three Thai projects have important implications for those working in HIV/AIDS prevention and in the care and support of people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHAs) across cultures, particularly in relation to education, outreach and counselling programs.
by Stephen O. Murray
page 81-96
With Thailand's economic development, urbanization (especially the rapid growth of Bangkok), growing contact between Thais and non-Thais, an increased availability of representations of homogender homosexuality (i.e., masculine men being sexually penetrated), and international AIDS discourse, male homosexuality not structured by differences in age, gender or class has become more apparent. Three sets of stories and letters sent by Thai men to Thai gay magazines show a decline in a gender-stratified conception and enactment of homosexuality in Thailand, paralleling the heterogender-to-gay transformation of homosexuality elsewhere in the world. The highly developed commercial venues for males who have sex with males in Bangkok are little mentioned in these texts and suggest the need for the development of other kinds of community infrastructure such as telephone advice lines (providing information about the basic mechanics of safe sex and other aspects of male-male relationships). Males who have sex with males in Bangkok, in particular, need a community center in which to discuss issues of power, gender, and sexuality.
by Megan Sinnott
page 97-119
Thai lesbian women engage local cultural meanings of masculinity in the creation of personal identities. Lesbian identity in Thailand is largely framed in terms of "butch-femme" gender role-playing, with the masculine woman referred to as tom and the feminine woman dee. According to informants, the dynamics between toms and dees differ from the normative expectations and experiences of heterosexuality for Thai women. Although Thai toms express their identity in terms of being "like men," they often differ from typical Thai male attitudes in terms of attitudes towards female sexuality, masculine sensitivity, and expectations from women in terms of long-term relationships. I conclude that Thai tom-identity is positioned against both normative Thai femininity and masculinity. This paper addresses the feelings towards sexuality and self-identity of many Thai lesbians, and seeks to help health and welfare professionals be sensitive to cultural nuances of gender identity, and attitudes towards relationships and sex among lesbian Thai women.
by Han ten Brummelhuis
page 121-139
Transgender males, called kathoey in Thai, are an ancient and widespread phenomenon in Asia and especially Southeast Asia. In this paper I consider Thai transgender males from a more contemporary perspective, focusing on changes in the definition and presentation of kathoey in the last two decades. These changes are related to alterations of the sex scene in western countries, the application of new medical technologies, and the development in Thailand of a new kathoey "career." I base my study on in-depth interviews conducted in Thailand and the Netherlands. I discuss the inadequacy of conceptualizing kathoey as a category of homosexuals, arguing that kathoey first and foremost have to be seen as women. From this perspective, kathoeys' relationships with the partners they prefer become more understandable. I also interpret kathoeys' preference for farang (Caucasian) partners, the meanings they ascribe to having a sex-change operation, and their sexual behaviour from the perspective of considering them as women. I conclude with recommendations for social service work among kathoey and a reflection on the theory of sexual and erotic excitement.
by Graeme Storer
page 141-159
In this paper I draw on a series of interviews with gay-identified Thai men, and with male bar workers and their clients in order to chart the traditions, discourses, and institutional contexts contributing to the construction of gender and sexual identity in Thailand. I argue against the uncritical application of Western paradigms to the study of Thai sexuality and present a view of gender and sexuality that is "fluid and pragmatic." I consider difficulties associated with sexual choice and levels of acceptance and toleration, and look at examples of how sex work has been socially constructed. Finally, I discuss the attachment of Thai male bar workers to the "gay" community.
by Malcolm McCamish
page 161-191
Most studies of male commercial sex workers (CSWs) in Thailand have been framed within a context of HIV risk and have investigated sexual behaviours and HIV knowledge. However, Mann et al. (1992) have identified health and social services and a supportive social environment as equally essential partners in an HIV-preventive triumvirate. This paper is based on extended observation and a series of in-depth interviews with forty-three male CSWs who are both organised (bar workers) and freelance as well as a number of clients (farang and Thai) and bar management. This paper examines the social environment in which male CSWs operate. It considers workplace conditions and support, the personal relationships workers have with parents, friends, clients, other bar workers and management, and how these are influenced by workers' cultural norms. A number of recommendations designed to reduce HIV-infection rates are made.
by Jan W. De Lind van Wijngaarden
page 193-218
This paper focuses on the supply-side of Chiang Mai's gay bars, that is, the male sex workers called dek bar or "bar boys" in Thai. I formulate some explanations why these young men-more than half of whom do not consider themselves to be "homosexual" - take on a job as a male sex worker. In this analysis I focus on certain notions in traditional Thai society, trends in contemporary urban Thai society, the economics of work in a gay bar, as well as the sexual behaviour of male sex workers and the concepts they use to describe their work.
Transcribed by Emma McCulloch
17 June 1999